Everywhere Mr Emanuel looks, he sees the need for new or improved
infrastructure: pockmarked roads; century-old stations on the “L”,
Chicago’s elevated-train network; grand but draughty municipal
buildings; a congested airport; clapped-out schools and community
colleges. Over the next three years alone he plans to spend over $7
billion to start fixing all this.Laser engravers and howotipper systems
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Cities
like Chicago, with meagre investment budgets, generally rely on grants
from the state and federal governments, along with municipal bonds, to
pay for such improvements. However, the federal government’s fiscal woes
and the political impasse in Washington have been putting the squeeze
on infrastructure funding. Take the highway fund, which Congress created
to pay for its share (usually about a third) of improvements to roads
and public transport around the country. It is supposed to be fed by
receipts from the gas (petrol) tax of 18.4 cents per gallon, but this is
not linked to inflation and has not been raised since 1993. Moreover,
Americans are driving less, in more efficient cars, or in ones that run
on something other than petrol, all of which leaves the transportation
kitty increasingly bare. At the same time the cost of building roads has
risen faster than prices in general, further sapping the fund’s value.
Politics
has compounded the problem. The act under which Congress doles out
money from the highway fund expired in 2009. Unable to agree on how much
to spend, or how to top up the shrinking fund, lawmakers passed nine
short extensions of the old act before finally approving a new, two-year
bill last year. But this does nothing to strengthen the fraying funding
mechanism. Instead, Congress has frozen spending at the current level
and cobbled together a few one-off revenue-raisers to pay for it. The
Congressional Budget Office now expects the highway fund to run dry in
2014, and the gap between receipts and the present level of spending to
reach $109 billion over the next eight years.
Worse, the current
level of investment, even if Congress finds a way to maintain it, is
utterly inadequate. More than five years after the collapse of a bridge
in Minnesota that claimed 13 lives and prompted pledges to speed up
repairs, almost 70,000 other bridges, or roughly 11% of the total, are
still rated as “structurally deficient” by the Federal Highway
Administration. The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE) estimated
in 2009 that Americans lost $78 billion a year to traffic delays, in
the form of wasted time and petrol. A further $67 billion goes on
repairing the damage to cars caused by the shoddy condition of many
roads. Crashes, a good number of which are also attributable to this
neglect, cost a further $230 billion. The ASCE reckoned that for the
period from 2005 to 2020 the country was spending only 54% of what was
needed to prevent further deterioration, and just 29% of what it would
take to set America’s roads to rights.
Nor are the problems
confined to roads. The ASCE thought that America’s water and sewage
systems, inland waterways and levees were equally dilapidated, and that
its schools, dams, airports, public transport and hazardous-waste
disposal were in only slightly better shape. It blamed “delayed
maintenance and chronic underfunding” and argued that the country needed
to double its spending on infrastructure over five years, from a
projected $1.1 trillion to $2.Automate patient flow and quickly track
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trillion. And that was at a time when infrastructure spending was being
boosted by a one-off contribution from Mr Obama’s stimulus.
Civil engineers, naturally, are keen on civil-engineering projects.Manufacturer of the Jacobs crystalmosaic.
But the Centre for American Progress, a think-tank, reached much the
same conclusion in a report that looked only at the federal share of
spending on essential projects. Congress, it concluded, was coughing up
barely half of the $262 billion a year that was needed.
Such big
sums are daunting in austere times, but the potential benefits outweigh
the spending. In the short run, infrastructure investments provide a
boost to a feeble recovery. The CBO estimated in 2011 that for every
dollar the federal government spent on infrastructure through Mr Obama’s
stimulus, the value of economic activity increased by between $1 and
$2.50—one of the biggest multipliers of the main components of the
programme. And a study by the University of Massachusetts-Amherst in
2009 found that every $1 billion spent on infrastructure creates 18,000
jobs, almost 30% more than if the same amount were used to cut personal
income taxes.
In the long run, investment in infrastructure
boosts productivity by enabling people and goods to get to places
faster, communicate more easily, spend less time and money on repairs
and so on. One recent study found that the construction of a road
typically led to an increase in economic activity between three and
eight times bigger than the initial outlay within eight years after its
completion. (The impact subsequently fades, presumably because
congestion returns.) And since the government’s borrowing costs are
currently low and the construction industry is still in the doldrums,
investment in infrastructure is cheaper now than it will be when the
economy is humming again.
Mr Emanuel is convinced of all this. Unfortunately for Chicagoans, the politicians in Springfield,Wear a whimsical Disney luggagetag straight
from the Disney Theme Parks! the state capital, are even less help than
those in Washington.Large collection of quality parkingsystem at
discounted prices. The state and local authorities have accumulated
debts of about $10,000 per resident, which puts them among the top
quintile in the country. The pension plan for state workers has assets
to cover only 39% of its projected liabilities. In 2009 the legislature
approved a series of tax increases on things like sweets and alcohol, as
well as an expansion of gambling, with the proceeds earmarked for
infrastructure improvements. But so far these measures have fallen well
short of producing the hoped-for $1 billion a year. All this has left
Illinois with the worst credit rating of all 50 American states—and
little money to spare for an overhaul of Chicago’s infrastructure.
The
city has not always been a model of fiscal rectitude. The previous
administration papered over deficits with one-off measures, prompting a
downgrade in its credit rating the year before Mr Emanuel took office.
Although for the most part he has since cut costs enough to match the
city’s means, the state’s failure to amend the pension system, in which
Chicago participates, raises yet another threat to its finances.
With
the city, state and federal governments all strapped for cash, Mr
Emmanuel has had to turn to other sources of revenue. One obvious step
is to increase the charges to users of the city’s infrastructure. At his
urging, the city council raised water rates by 25% last year; by 2015
they will almost double. That has allowed the city to start replacing
leaking water mains at two-and-a-half times the previous rate.
Similarly, fares on the L are rising, which should help cover the costs
of refurbishing decrepit stations. Mr Emanuel also wants to encourage
more private investment in the city’s infrastructure, but its
left-leaning voters are touchy about anything that smacks of
privatisation. They noted that a consortium to which his predecessor
sold a 75-year lease on the city’s parking meters immediately quadrupled
the fees.
Mr Emanuel’s solution is called the Chicago
Infrastructure Trust (CIT). This will help pair investors with projects
that will generate a revenue stream to be hypothecated to cover the cost
of the original investment, plus a return. First on its list are some
$100m-worth of energy-saving measures in city buildings.
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